FeaturedNationalVOLUME 20 ISSUE # 51

Nil returns, nil reform

In the quiet corners of Islamabad’s tax offices, a quiet rebellion unfolds—not with protests or petitions, but with blank forms. Out of 5.5 million income tax returns filed so far in FY2025-26, a staggering 1.7 million declare zero taxable income, nearly one in three filers opting for the “nil” box. This isn’t a glitch in the system; it’s a symptom of a deeper malaise, where procedural checkboxes trump real revenue, and the Federal Board of Revenue (FBR) chases shadows instead of substance.
For a nation grappling with a 10 percent tax-to-GDP ratio—the lowest in South Asia—this flood of empty declarations exposes a regime that coerces compliance from the compliant while letting evaders roam free. As the filing deadline looms, extended to snag three million more returns, the real question isn’t why so many report nothing—it’s why the powerful contribute so little. In a country where 44.7 percent live below $4.20 a day, this isn’t inefficiency; it’s inequity, eroding trust in a state that demands more from its workers than its wheeler-dealers.
The surge in nil returns shouldn’t shock policymakers—it’s the predictable fruit of a tax architecture built on inclusion over extraction. To join the Active Taxpayers’ List (ATL), a golden ticket for economic participation, filing is mandatory, even if your income hovers below the Rs600,000 annual threshold. Non-filers face a gauntlet: 20 percent withholding on bank transactions, doubled property transfer taxes, sky-high duties on car buys, and blacklisting from formal loans. Banks, risk-averse, shun them like bad debts; businesses, wary of audits, ghost them in deals. So, enter the nil filers: pensioners drawing tax-exempt annuities, homemakers with no earnings, overseas Pakistanis remitting without local income—all compelled to submit blanks just to keep doors open.
In mature economies like Canada or Australia, with 25 percent tax-to-GDP ratios, such folks skip filing altogether, their compliance assumed. But in Pakistan, where evasion gnaws 60 percent of the informal economy, universal mandates are the blunt tool to drag everyone into the net—even those with empty hands.
This procedural obsession yields a hollow victory. The FBR, under IMF pressure from the $7 billion Extended Fund Facility, celebrates 5.5 million filings as a win, but 31 percent nil dilutes the pot. Worse, 977,000 filers report less income than last year, including exporters claiming losses on $15 billion shipments. The agency’s response? A post-deadline audit blitz, hiring 2,000 auditors to probe nil and low-income cases. Scrutinize drops in declared earnings? Fair game for under-reporting hunts. But mass audits on zeros? A resource sinkhole. With FBR’s 30,000 staff stretched thin, chasing pensioners or expat remitters yields pennies—perhaps Rs1,000–2,000 per case—while evaders in real estate or exports hide billions. Whistleblower rewards, eyed at Rs150 million from Rs5 million, sound bold, but without data access or digitization, they’re theater. The real heist happens elsewhere, in sectors where under-reporting is art form.
Q1 FY2025-26 revenue data lays it bare: the salaried class—600,000 souls, teachers to techies—forked over Rs130 billion, up 18 percent year-on-year, more than double the Rs71.1 billion from exporters (Rs45 billion), wholesalers (Rs11.5 billion), and retailers (Rs14.6 billion) combined. Property flips, elite playground, added Rs60 billion—still half salaried’s haul. Exporters, shipping $30–31 billion abroad, pay 1 percent on turnover—effective rates under 1 percent after subsidies—while a Rs300,000 monthly earner coughs 13 percent (Rs38,833 annually, down from Rs45,833). Retailers, in cash bazaars, declare fractions via presumptive schemes; wholesalers ghost audits. This isn’t coincidence—it’s design. Final tax regimes cap liability; benami holdings shield assets. The IMF demands Rs15 trillion total revenue, but regressive withholdings (75 percent of “direct” taxes) squeeze the poor, salaried max at 35 percent slabs. Result? A system where compliance costs honesty: a Rawalpindi clerk’s Rs60,000 salary loses Rs8,000 to tax, leaving scraps for floods; a DHA developer flips Rs50 million plots, pays Rs2.25 million, pockets the rest untaxed.
The human erosion is profound. Salaried workers, 20–30 million strong, fund 56 percent of income tax—Rs391 billion in FY25’s first nine months—yet watch traders evade via informal deals. Youth, 1.6 million entering yearly, face 10 percent unemployment; women, 21 percent participation, sidelined by barriers that could add 20–30 percent GDP if lifted. Poverty surges—21.5 percent drop glacial amid floods erasing gains—while resentment brews. Social media erupts: #TaxTheRich trends with payslips versus tycoon yachts; Pakistan Taxpayers’ Alliance decries “discrimination,” pushing exporter relief. In Khuzdar, 71.5 percent poor, a nil-filing widow accesses loans but starves on Rs20,000 pension—tax-free, yet system-shackled.
Reform beckons, but politics stalls. Confront lobbies: audit exporters’ losses, cap presumptive rates at 5 percent audited profits, wealth tax feudal 2 percent on Rs10 crore+ holdings. Digitize: AI risk-scans, POS integration netting Rs1 trillion extra. Exempt true nils—pensioners, low-earners—via auto-waivers; redirect audits to high-yield shadows. Slash current spending 25 percent—elite perks trimmed, assets auctioned—freeing Rs3 trillion for Benazir expansions (Rs50 monthly to 50 million). Tie MPAs to compliance: districts with 20 percent base growth get bonus funds.
Pakistan’s tax tale is cautionary: coerce filings, harvest illusions; chase equity, reap revenue. The 1.7 million nils aren’t villains—they’re victims of a net too wide, too weak. The FBR must pivot: tax power, not paperwork. For the clerk, the widow, the youth—the system owes fairness. Until then, compliance crumbles, evasion endures, and a nation pays the price in lost trust and stunted dreams. The deadline ticks. Will leaders audit the empty, or fill the void?

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