Democracy is generally considered “government of the people, by the people, and for the people.” However, it is very hard to reach a universally agreed definition. As George Orwell observed, “not only is there no agreed definition (of the word democracy), but the attempt to make one is resisted from all sides.”
While democracy is often built on the promise of an informed and equal public, where citizens actively participate in politics and decision-making to shape their future, in reality, this ideal is rarely achieved. It often becomes a carefully constructed illusion sold to the masses.
Walter Lippmann, an American journalist and political thinker, believed that equality among people was unrealistic. He argued that the general public, which he referred to as the “bewildered herd,” was incapable of understanding complex political affairs and therefore had to be guided—or rather managed—by a “specialised class” through the control of information. Noam Chomsky, in Media Control, expands on this idea by offering two contrasting definitions of democracy. The first—the ideal—is a system where people meaningfully participate in managing their own affairs, and where information flows freely. This is the version most people associate with democracy: one grounded in participation, empowerment and transparency.
The second version, however, is the one Chomsky argues actually exists in practice. In this model, the public is excluded from real decision-making, and access to information is tightly controlled. People may vote, but after electing someone from the specialised class, they are expected to stay quiet and not play any role in policy formation. In such systems, the public is allowed to lend their weight to elect one or another member of the specialised class. But once elections are over, citizens retreat into silence — remaining spectators, not participants. This is how what Chomsky calls a “properly functioning democracy” operates.
In societies that appear democratic, the media does not primarily inform the public. Rather, it is used to shape public opinion in ways that serve the interests of political and economic elites. Instead of enabling people to think critically and participate meaningfully, the media distracts, simplifies, and narrows acceptable thought — making people believe they are thinking freely while feeding them a curated narrative. This, according to Chomsky, is how consent is manufactured in a democracy.
The ruling elite controls the people to maintain its rule through propaganda, using media and education. In the UK, Eton College has produced nineteen prime ministers. Chomsky says that if someone wants to serve the powerful, they must do it quietly. To join the “specialised class,” a person must adopt beliefs that protect the interests of those who truly hold power, like corporations and media owners.
If someone supports the values of people like Rupert Murdoch, who owns major outlets like Fox News and The Times, they are welcomed into this elite group. Their education is designed to keep them loyal to private interests, not the public good. Propaganda and media are indispensable tools for keeping the public in check. In modern history, the first major state-led propaganda campaign was launched under U.S. President Woodrow Wilson to change public opinion for political gain. Though elected in 1916 on a peace platform, Wilson soon sought support to enter World War I. His administration created the Creel Commission—a body that, as Chomsky notes, turned a pacifist American public into a war-hungry population within six months.
Chomsky identifies this as a classic case of propaganda: creating fear through invented threats, stirring emotion with tales of suffering, and rallying the public with patriotic slogans—all to manufacture consent for war. Walter Lippmann played a central role in the Creel Commission.
Propaganda is the lifeblood of “democracy.” Chomsky explains: “In what is nowadays called a totalitarian state, it’s easy. You just hold a bludgeon over their heads. But as society becomes more democratic, you lose that capacity. Therefore, you have to turn to propaganda. The logic is clear. Propaganda is to a democracy what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state.”
Chomsky argues that in democracies, propaganda is used to control public perception, falsify history, and shape opinion without force. American media downplayed the Vietnam War’s true death toll — in the millions — to rewrite history and portray the war as a noble cause. Similarly, the media gave massive praise to Armando Valladares, a Cuban dissident describing torture under Castro, while ignoring detailed reports on mass torture in U.S.-backed El Salvador.
The “specialised class” is trained from a young age to think differently. While the public is taught to consume and stay distracted, the elite are taught to lead. At elite schools like Eton, students are not just taught subjects; they’re trained to be decision-makers. Meanwhile, the public spends hours watching shows or reality TV, living through others instead of taking action in their lives. Chomsky says this is not an accident — it is a way to keep people distracted. Media trains us to stay quiet and cheer from the sidelines while the “specialised class” runs the show.
When people start noticing real problems — like poverty, healthcare, or joblessness — those in power create distractions. One tactic is to invent or exaggerate an enemy. This keeps people scared and focused on fake threats. Hitler used fear of Jews and gypsies. Today, governments use the media to create enemies—terrorists, immigrants, or foreign countries. Each new threat replaces the last. After the Paris attacks, the media focused on terrorism and Syria. Soon, the public forgot as new headlines took over. These fear cycles help keep people distracted and under control.
Chomsky says the powerful do not want the public to organise. That is why the media and PR push certain values. They want a society where the elite serve the wealthy, and ordinary people stay isolated and quiet. The goal is to make people focus on buying things, watching TV, and dreaming of a middle-class life. If someone feels something is missing, they are made to think it is just them — because there is no space for collective thinking.
Governments even label unions or protesters as “troublemakers.” By turning them into enemies, the system crushes efforts at real change.
Chomsky explains that the powerful keep the public scared on purpose. When people are afraid, they stop thinking clearly. This fear-based control is called amygdala hijacking. It works in four ways: It keeps people distracted; It stops clear thinking; It makes them dependent on the elite; It shapes their emotions and choices.
This manipulation not only affects opinions, but it also holds people back from reaching their true potential. Media in democracies highlights or hides stories selectively —not to inform, but to serve political and ideological interests.
Following the Pahalgam incident, Indian media used propaganda to stir patriotic and religious emotions against Pakistan, airing false stories of bombed cities and military victories without evidence. Facing unrest and economic decline, the Modi government weaponised the media to construct external threats and divert public anger. The “bewildered herd” was distracted from real issues and pushed to support a strongman image. Indian media became a tool of manipulation, suppressing dissent and distorting facts. But the truth surfaced. Journalists like Karan Thapar, along with global outlets such as The Washington Post, AFP, and Al Jazeera, exposed the lies, leaving the credibility of Indian media deeply tarnished.