Jean-Paul Sartre’s assertion that human beings are born free but are gradually imprisoned within social and self-constructed frames can be clearly observed in Pakistan, where a narrow ruling elite has confined nearly 250 million people within multiple, overlapping layers of control. These restrictive frames are built and reinforced through caste hierarchies, ethnic divisions, tribal loyalties, religious sectarianism, political dynasties, military dominance, and the selective application of laws.

John Stuart Mill similarly warned that the most dangerous form of slavery is the one imposed by society itself, because such slavery does not even allow individuals to recognise that they are enslaved. Over time, people internalise these constraints and begin to defend them. Obedience is mistaken for virtue, silence for wisdom, ignorance for safety, rational inquiry for heresy, and the desire to break free from these imposed frames is branded as sinful, treasonous, or unpatriotic.

The ruling elite—comprising politicians, feudal landlords, religious leaders, pirs, tribal chiefs, business tycoons, and senior military, civil, and judicial officials—constructs and enforces political, social, economic, educational, legal, and religious orders designed to keep the population passive and dependent. This system of managed dependency ensures the continuation of elite dominance while denying ordinary citizens meaningful participation, mobility, and dignity in Pakistan’s public life.

According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), corruption in Pakistan is “persistent and corrosive”, distorting markets, eroding public trust, and undermining fiscal stability. The IMF warns that unless entrenched structures of “elite privilege” are dismantled, economic stagnation will continue. While corruption vulnerabilities exist at all levels of government, the report stresses that “the most economically damaging manifestations involve privileged entities that exert influence over key economic sectors, including those owned by or affiliated with the state.” Stefan Dercon, professor of economic policy at the University of Oxford and an adviser on Pakistan’s economic reforms, has echoed this concern, stating that the absence of accountability in corruption cases is steadily eroding the country’s economic potential. “Failure of implementation [of laws and principles of accountability] gives vested interests too often free rein, and addressing this must be at the core of efforts for economic reform,” he told Al Jazeera.

According to the GCDA, Pakistan consistently ranks near the bottom of global governance indicators. Between 2015 and 2024, its score on control of corruption remained stagnant, placing it among the world’s worst performers and among the weakest in its own region. Central to the IMF’s findings is the concept of “state capture”, where corruption becomes not an exception but the primary mode of governance. The state apparatus, the report argues, is frequently used to enrich specific groups at the expense of the wider public. “Elite privilege”—defined as preferential access to subsidies, tax exemptions, and lucrative state contracts—drains billions of dollars annually from the economy, while tax evasion and regulatory capture crowd out genuine private-sector investment. These findings reinforce a 2021 UNDP report which estimated that economic privileges granted to Pakistan’s elite, including politicians and the powerful military, account for nearly 6 percent of the national economy.

Pakistan was created in the name of Islam, a faith that places strong emphasis on equality and justice. Yet social, political, and economic life in the country remains deeply shaped by caste consciousness. Castes such as Syed, Arain, Jutt, Awan, Mughal, Rajput, Gujar, Butt, Bhutto, and many others continue to influence marriage, honour, leadership, and access to power. This entrenched caste system fuels division and prejudice, which the ruling elite exploits to consolidate political authority and economic advantage.

Beyond caste, society is fragmented along ethnic and linguistic lines, including Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashtun, and Baloch identities. Within these groups, tribalism and feudalism further entrench the power of tribal chiefs and feudal lords, whose authority rests on lineage rather than merit, justice, or public accountability. As a result, loyalty to tribe and clan often supersedes loyalty to law, ethics, and even the state itself.

Religious divisions add another layer of fragmentation. Muslims are divided into sects such as Sunni, Deobandi, Ahl-e-Hadith, Shia, and Wahabi, each operating its own network of madrasas with rigid sectarian narratives. Many promote narrow interpretations of Islam while denouncing other sects. In some cases, followers refuse even to pray behind an imam from a different sect, reinforcing intolerance and social hostility.

At the time of Pakistan’s creation in 1947, madrasas were relatively few in number. Today, there are more than 30,000 across the country. Their rapid expansion occurred largely during the Afghan war, supported by American and Arab funding, and contributed significantly to the spread of extremism. Those who challenged extremism and advocated moderation paid with their lives.

Blasphemy laws are frequently misused by religious leaders and groups to pursue personal vendettas, sectarian agendas, and political objectives. The prolonged detention of Engineer Muhammad Ali Mirza, who obtained bail after 103 days, and the tragic case of Christian pastor Zafar Bhatti—who spent 13 years in prison before being granted bail on October 2, 2025, and died of a heart attack two days later—illustrate the devastating human cost of such abuse. According to available data, around 767 individuals currently face blasphemy charges nationwide: 54 percent Muslims, 30 percent Ahmadis, 11 percent Christians, and 3 percent Hindus, demonstrating that Muslims themselves are also major victims. This systemic abuse must be halted, and urgent legal reforms are required to prevent misuse and protect innocent lives.

Religion, rather than serving as a source of justice and moral guidance, is often exploited by the ruling elite as a political weapon, as seen in the rise and selective suppression of groups such as Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. This politicisation of religion explains a central paradox of Pakistan: despite being more than 96 percent Muslim, the country has continuously been told since 1947 that Islam is under threat. This narrative is not rooted in faith or demographics, but in power and manipulation. By portraying Islam as endangered, the elite diverts attention from corruption, injustice, poverty, and authoritarian governance.

As a result, widespread hopelessness has taken hold among the population. In 2022 alone, more than 800,000 Pakistanis left the country for overseas employment, and nearly 350,000 more followed in the first half of 2025. Many of those leaving are highly skilled professionals, including doctors, engineers, and technical experts. If this exodus continues, Pakistan risks becoming a hollowed-out society, stripped of the very human capital needed for progress and innovation. The ruling elite must abandon its anti-people policies and confront these realities honestly if it hopes to avert a bleak and irreversible future.