How to bring back Pakistan’s offshore wealth
Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi has called upon businessmen to repatriate 20-30pc of their offshore wealth to meet Pakistan’s external sector challenge. He estimated that as much as $10bn could flow back into the country before the upcoming budget, if traders act decisively.
It is no secret that for decades, vast fortunes built on Pakistani soil have quietly migrated abroad, parked in gleaming Dubai apartments, London townhouses, Swiss bank vaults, and offshore trusts spanning three continents. The scale of this outflow is staggering.
According to educated estimates, Pakistani citizens hold over $200 billion in assets outside the country. Former FBR Chairman Shabbar Zaidi — an expert on offshore assets — considers that figure inflated, putting his own estimate at $150 billion. To put that in perspective: it is roughly equal to the country’s entire stock of foreign debt. Of $150 billion, Zaidi estimates that around $100 billion has no traceable source — no money trail, no legitimate paper record linking it to lawful income. The assets include luxury properties in the United Kingdom, the United States, and continental Europe alongside Dubai real estate, portfolio investments in foreign banks, and shares in Pakistani companies held through elaborate offshore trust structures.
The geography of Pakistan’s offshore wealth tells its own story. Dubai emerged as the primary destination after 2000, offering a combination of tax-free investment, real estate liquidity and minimal questions about the origins of capital. London and other European capitals attracted older money, often linked to industrialists and feudal landowners who dispatched wealth abroad during periods of political instability. More recently, government officials have identified approximately $20 billion currently parked in the Middle East and Europe, much of which was declared during the 2018 and 2019 Tax Amnesty Schemes but was never actually repatriated to Pakistan.
Zaidi has described the composition of undeclared wealth as roughly equal across three categories, each approximating $33 billion: foreign real estate, portfolio investments in offshore financial institutions, and indirect ownership of Pakistani corporate assets through foreign holding structures. It is a sophisticated architecture, built not in a day but across generations of elite wealth management.
Islamabad has tried to get back this wealth abroad through various tax amnesty schemes — an offer of legal absolution in exchange for asset declaration and a nominal tax payment. In 2018, the government launched two parallel schemes: the Foreign Assets (Declaration and Repatriation) Act for offshore holdings and the Voluntary Declaration of Domestic Assets Act for undeclared local wealth. Tax rates ranged from just 2% to 5%, with the lowest rate reserved for liquid assets actually repatriated to Pakistan. Declarants received complete immunity from investigation under all other laws. In total, 82,889 declarations were filed, generating Rs194 billion in tax revenue.
The PTI government followed with its own amnesty in 2019. In 2025, the FBR unveiled yet another scheme — the latest in a long line of fresh starts. The new amnesty covers both residents and non-resident Pakistanis with undeclared assets at home or abroad, offering minimal tax liability with protection from NAB and FIA investigation.
On the enforcement side, the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) announced in early 2026 a record recovery of Rs6.213 trillion ($22 billion) in ill-gotten money during 2025, and has signed mutual legal assistance agreements with multiple foreign governments. Pakistan’s anti-corruption body is also working through Interpol and the Global Operational Network of Law Enforcement Agencies to trace and repatriate assets held abroad.
Bringing this money back has proven far harder than any government has publicly admitted. The obstacles are legal, political, and psychological all at once. The legal complexity is considerable. The FBR has acknowledged that under the Foreign Currency Accounts Ordinance 2001, sending money abroad and purchasing foreign assets is largely permitted and cannot always be classified as illegal. The grey zone between lawful wealth export and illicit capital flight is wide, and Pakistan’s legal framework has historically struggled to navigate it.
Politically, the problem is self-reinforcing. A significant portion of the offshore wealth belongs to the same elite class that shapes Pakistan’s legislative agenda. Critics have pointed out that amnesty schemes — while generating modest revenue — effectively reward non-compliance and punish honest taxpayers. The cycle of declaration, partial compliance, and renewed amnesty has repeated itself so often that it has acquired its own cynical logic.
The stakes could not be higher. With Pakistan’s total foreign debt hovering around $124.5 billion and annual debt servicing obligations placing severe strain on foreign exchange reserves, the $100 billion in untraceable offshore assets represents a haunting parallel universe of national wealth — enough, in theory, to transform the country’s fiscal position. According to experts, until Pakistan creates the conditions — political stability, rule of law, institutional trust, and genuine international cooperation — that give wealthy Pakistanis a reason to bring their money home, Pakistan’s wealth will remain parked in foreign banks.