The scourge of terrorism has once again raised its head, with casualties among security force personnel and civilians occurring almost daily. In response, the state has decided to launch a grand multilevel offensive named Azm-e-Istihkam (Resolve to Stability). Over the years, and particularly following the Peshawar school massacre of 2014, terrorism has profoundly impacted the social psychology of Pakistanis, highlighting the severity of the threat posed by extremism and terrorism in the name of religion. However, there has been little behavioral change from both the government and citizens to effectively address this menace.

Religious extremism and terrorism are societal-level phenomena in Pakistan. Therefore, countering these threats requires countermeasures at the same level. Both leadership and the general populace have been victims of extremism and terrorism justified by religion, and both must contribute to countering the threat.

Although the political and military leadership introduced the National Action Plan (NAP) after the 2014 Peshawar school attack and established military courts to try suspected extremists and terrorists—an important step—nothing else significant has been done by the leadership. Many political leaders who initially supported the establishment of military tribunals later openly regretted their decision. As extremism and terrorism are societal-level issues, they cannot be countered merely by setting up military tribunals. The country’s political leadership needs to devise innovative and practical measures to combat these threats, but unfortunately, no substantial action has been taken.

Over the years, experts, analysts, and the general public have offered numerous suggestions to authorities for countering extremism and terrorism. It is high time to put this wealth of advice into practical use. The most appropriate way to do so is through concrete policy decisions by the country’s political leadership, which should be executed by the elected federal and provincial governments.

The twin menace of extremism and terrorism perpetrated in the name of Islam has inflicted irreparable losses on society and its members. Therefore, a collective societal response must be forthcoming, at least now, to counter the threat. However, aside from condemnation, a few remembrance ceremonies, and mild protests from civil society, nothing more has been done by the people to counter extremism and terrorism. This is despite the fact that extremism and terrorism have not only affected people’s activities and thought processes but, above all, have threatened their very lives.

To counter terrorism anew, the foremost measure is to gather data about all suspected extremists and terrorists. This could have been easily accomplished by some extra work from the police authorities, particularly the Station House Officers in every locality, with help from the numerous intelligence agencies this country must bear the expenses of. Since the Peshawar attack, there has been a general realization among the masses about the threat of extremism and terrorism. People could be more than helpful in identifying suspected religious extremists and terrorists. However, nothing of this sort has been observed so far. This is partly because many terrorists masquerade as religious figures or leaders. Even if the governmental authorities have failed to do so, the people, realizing their own responsibility and the security of their families and neighborhoods, must come forward to identify suspected radicals and terrorists to the local police authorities.

As extremists have been using mosques in almost every nook and corner of the country to radicalize society, preach violence, and support terrorists, state authorities and local communities must take concrete steps to take ownership and control of all mosques. In this regard, governmental authorities must provide physical support to local communities to take possession of mosques in their respective areas. The only effective mechanism to purge mosques of radicals and terrorists is the collective ownership of these places of worship by their respective communities and neighborhoods. It may be recalled that the terrorists who attacked the Army Public School reportedly spent a night in a nearby mosque.

It is important to note that in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the formerly merged tribal districts of FATA, a large number of mosques have Afghans serving as their Pesh Imams (prayer leaders) who have only a monetary interest in taking up such important social responsibilities. The state authorities and communities must have ousted these Afghans by now, but this has not been the case.

The authorities must forcibly register every madrassa and should not be cowed by threats from extremists and terrorists running some of these institutions. This could be achieved by enlisting the support of local communities to compel madrassa operators to either register or shut down their schools. If the authorities are hesitant to register seminaries for fear of backlash, local communities must take the lead by demanding compliance from seminaries in their areas. Unfortunately, neither the government nor the communities have taken concrete action to register these institutions.

The authorities’ hesitation is understandable due to the historical support from the country’s policymakers for extremists and terrorists. However, the continued wave of terrorism since 2005 has been a watershed moment in Pakistan’s history. State authorities and functionaries should have displayed zero tolerance for extremists and terrorists, as envisaged in the National Action Plan (NAP). Surprisingly, Azm-e-Istihkam has been described as nothing but the revival of NAP. Regardless of the authorities’ unwillingness to confront extremism and terrorism head-on despite the death, destruction, and economic losses, the masses must take action themselves.

The government and society have so far failed to come up with a strong behavioral and actionable response to counter extremism and terrorism because the state authorities lack a sense of ownership and interest in taking practical steps. On the other hand, society, composed of individuals and communities, is deeply divided on what constitutes radicalism and terrorism, who the perpetrators are, and how to tackle them. Consequently, they look to leadership and the government to address the threat. However, extremism and terrorism are such that the state may always find itself incapacitated and noncommittal in countering these phenomena. Therefore, local communities must take the lead in practical steps to counter extremism and terrorism. This would also guide our indecisive leadership and state apparatus. Without local communities at the forefront, state authorities and apparatus will be unable to take the necessary steps to counter extremism and terrorism in Pakistan.