The decision of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Chief Imran Khan to dissolve his party’s governments in Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces and efforts to stop him by hook or crook have pushed the entire country to deep instability.

To add insult to injury, the current parliamentary political system of Pakistan remains unresponsive to ensure political stability. On December 17, PTI Chairman and former Prime Minister Imran Khan, as promised, announced the dissolution of the Punjab and KP assemblies by December 23. The dissolution of the two provincial assemblies, where the PTI has governments, is a completely constitutional act as it is the chief minister as chief executive of the province concerned, who may dissolve the assembly anytime he or she deems appropriate so as to get a fresh mandate from the people through new elections. The PTI was compelled to dissolve its governments and legislative assemblies as the 16-party ruling alliance in the Center, despite having a razor-thin majority of just one vote in the National Assembly, has been completely hesitant to hold fresh elections in the country. This is despite the fact that since April 10 this year, when the ruling alliance came to power by dislodging the government of Prime Minister Imran Khan through a no-confidence vote, stage-managed by the then establishment, political and economic instability has touched unprecedented levels. This is evident from the ruling alliance losing all by-elections held for the National Assembly and Punjab Assembly, unprecedented inflation in the country and, above all, an assassination attempt on Imran Khan during a long march against the sitting government badly injuring him with gunshots and his and the PTI’s inability to lodge a police case in their own government.

All this suggests that the ruling alliance is not a political government which is there through a political process and is afloat politically. The coming together of 16 parties with sea doctrinal differences, if not ideological differences as ideology has become irrelevant in Pakistan politics since long, and a history of political and personal rivalries among the leaders of today’s 16-party alliance, itself raises many profound questions. Without the cement provided by the powers-that-be, 16 parties cannot get together first and get along for such a long time in the second instance.

In the situation, fresh national elections is the only way forward to come out of the political and economic morass and this is what the PTI is basically demanding. The PTI is demanding it so no doubt that it has lost power at the Centre and at the same time it is the most popular political party as is evident from Imran Khan winning eight National Assembly seats in by-elections from across Pakistan singlehandedly. However, at the same time it is very important to acknowledge that Punjab and KP make nearly 65 percent of Pakistan and dissolving the governments in the provinces is a genuine effort to hold new elections in the country. The ruling alliance is shying from holding fresh elections because it has been defeated in by-elections by the PTI and due to unprecedented price hikes, its leaders cannot even face the public.

Amid profound economic and political instability, the ugly issue of terrorism has also reared its head yet again very strongly. The largest terrorist network of Pakistan, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), is on the rampage, attacking police officials in Bannu division of KP province and also for days taking over the Bannu Counter Terrorism Centre, only to be taken back by a special services group operation and even sending a suicide terrorist to Islamabad, whose bid was foiled by police. The TTP was marginalized when a massive military operation was started against it in the aftermath of the Army Public School (APS) attack in Peshawar. It is very much evident that the TTP has taken fullest advantage of deep political and economic instability in the country.

The most sordid aspect of the unprecedented economic and political morass in the country is that the parliamentary political system has become totally unresponsive to rectify the ills and put the country on a stable path. The national parliament and provincial assemblies are unable to address the economic and political problems of the country. Noticeably, it is the national and provincial assemblies that are the supreme power in the state and supposed to offer the solution in the form of policy making and decision-making for all issues facing society and the country. Currently, with the federal government controlled by the 16-party ruling alliance and Punjab and the KP having governments of the PTI, the former is virtually controlling the affairs of the PTI-governed provinces. It was evident from the de-notification of Punjab Governor Baleeghur Rahman, a nominee of the federal government, of Punjab Chief Minister Pervez Elahi, for the latter’s inability to take a vote of confidence as advised by the governor. Although a governor could ask a chief minister to take a vote of confidence if there are solid reasons for it, Governor Baleegh apparently asked CM Elahi to take a vote of confidence only to dissuade the PTI from dissolving the Punjab Assembly. So using constitutional powers by constitutional offices like governors to fulfill the political agenda of a political party clearly shows that the current political system is in tatters. What if today President of Pakistan, Dr. Arif Alvi, a close confidante of Imran Khan and a former PTI legislator, asks Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif to take a vote of confidence in no time when he does not command a majority in the National Assembly. If Dr. Alvi does so, the country would be in more chaos. In order to avoid the situation, the supreme judiciary and the military establishment must play their crucial role. The military should desist from indulging in politics but it must give full support to the judiciary to take the country out of the political and economic morass for forcing together all political parties on a single point agenda of when to hold national elections. It is important to say that national elections may be a way forward but they are in no way a complete solution to the multi-dimensional complex problems of the state, economy and society. The only panacea would be political system change and new elections could be a means to that end.